CHRISTOPHER RUFO: Trump’s voters and Elon Musk’s innovators could make a powerful coalition

Editor’s note: The following column was first published in City Journal. 

With President-elect Donald Trump set to take office later this month, it’s worth considering how his coalition has changed.

The source of the president-elect’s power—his voting base—is populist in nature. This was evident from the beginning. Trump rallied a new political cross-section and has, over the past decade, transformed the GOP into a multiracial, working-class party. He managed to draw tens of thousands of people to stadiums and arenas and to command a fervent social media following that propagates his message. 

Trump’s populist appeal came with a downside: his voters and his vision lacked elite champions who could capably administer the White House and advance the MAGA agenda. There was Trump the president and Trump’s voters, but nothing in between. He lacked the necessary middle layer to control the bureaucracy and negotiate with outside power brokers. 

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Now Trump has a second chance, and his coalition has seen a major shift: a growing segment of the technology industry has committed itself to the MAGA agenda. The most notable representative of this development is the world’s wealthiest man, Elon Musk. Hundreds of other tech leaders have followed suit, donating to Trump and backing his 2024 presidential campaign.

The tragedy of Trump’s first presidency was that he was hamstrung on all sides. He was a man isolated in the White House with few outside allies and insufficient control over his administration. Things could be different this time. 

Some of this is doubtless self-serving. Technologists fear taxes, regulation, antitrust, and other restrictions that would likely have been part of Kamala Harris’ agenda. But part of it is ideological. Many figures on the right, including Musk, have a genuine distaste, even disgust, for “woke” politics and would like to see an innovative, free, and growth-oriented American economy. Some tech leaders were early adopters in supporting Trump, while others have emerged more recently, after it became safe. But the overall message is clear: the tech industry gambled on Trump and, with his election victory, looks to benefit not only financially but ideologically.

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Trump stands to gain, too. Musk controls X, the world’s most important news platform. Pro-Trump venture capitalists have stakes in the most important and dynamic companies. And using the Tech Right’s personnel to staff his administration will give Trump greater control over the bureaucratic structures around and below him. 

The tragedy of Trump’s first presidency was that he was hamstrung on all sides. He was a man isolated in the White House with few outside allies and insufficient control over his administration. 

Things could be different this time. 

The public is unlikely to fall victim to another round of the press corps’ fear-mongering. During the 2024 presidential campaign, Trump demonstrated more tact and reserve than he has ever shown in his political career. And Musk can bring along elites in tech and finance who had previously been receptive to Republicans but had shied away from Trump. 

The tech-populist partnership comes with risks. Over the Christmas holidays, for example, Trump’s populist base and the Tech Right sparred over H-1B visas. The populists resented the entry of foreign tech workers into domestic companies, while the technologists argued that many of these immigrants help foster economic growth. These conflicts will be resolved in time. 

At present, the alliance appears to hold more promise than peril. Trump can rally his dedicated base, while the Tech Right can help staff the administration and advance the president’s message institutionally. The success of Trump’s second presidency may well depend on the success of this partnership.

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